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April 15, 2002
Protesting U.S.-Sponsored Terrorism in Colombia
by Garry Leech
Thousands of protesters plan to converge on Washington D.C. from
April 19-22 to protest the escalating U.S. involvement in Colombia,
including the training of Colombian troops at the U.S. army's notorious
School of the Americas (SOA) in Fort Benning, Georgia. According
to School of the Americas Watch (SOAW), a non-profit group seeking
to shut down the school, the U.S. army has trained more than 10,000
Colombian troops at the SOA and many of its graduates have been
linked to right-wing paramilitary death squads responsible for a
huge majority of Colombia's human rights abuses.
The
Bush White House has spent much of the past seven months waging
a war against international terrorism that, according to President
Bush, "will not end until every terrorist group of global reach
has been found, stopped and defeated." In his post-September
11 speech to Congress, the president also issued his now infamous
ultimatum, "Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists."
By February 2002, it had become evident that Washington had no
intention of finding, stopping and defeating all terrorist groups
it believed to have global reach. Furthermore, the Bush White House
has clearly responded to its own ultimatum by deciding that it is
"with the terrorists." At least, this appears to be the
case in Colombia where the Bush administration is expanding its
war on terrorism by arming and training a military closely allied
to a right-wing paramilitary group that is on the U.S. State Department's
list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations.
In February 2002, the Bush administration requested $98 million
in aid to create, arm and train a Colombian army brigade whose primary
purpose would be to protect the risky business investments of a
U.S. corporation in Colombia. Specifically, its mission would be
to defend the Caño Limón oil pipeline used by Los
Angeles-based Occidental Petroleum from leftist guerrilla attacks.
Last month, President Bush requested that Congress lift all conditions
restricting current and future U.S. military aid to counternarcotics
operations. The White House is using its war on terrorism to justify
Washington's military escalation in Colombia. The State Department's
Coordinator for Counterterrorism, Francis X. Taylor, recently labeled
the leftist Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), "the
most dangerous international terrorist group based in this hemisphere."
Secretary of State Colin Powell, U.S. ambassador to Colombia Anne
Patterson, Senator Bob Graham of Florida and many others have jumped
on the link-the-FARC-to-international-terrorism bandwagon. Washington
is using the FARC's involvement in the drug trade to justify its
labeling of the rebel group as an international terrorist organization
instead of just a domestic revolutionary movement.
Meanwhile, there has been nary a peep from Washington regarding
waging war against Colombia's largest and most feared paramilitary
group, the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), who are
not only more involved than the FARC in the international drug trade,
but are also state-sponsored terrorists responsible for more than
70 percent of the country's human rights abuses. For years, the
AUC have been recipients of direct or indirect support from the
governments of Colombia and the United States, ranging from logistical
assistance and training to arms supplies and the direct participation
of U.S.-trained Colombian soldiers in massacres perpetrated by the
paramilitaries.
Washington's FARC bashers rarely mention that many of Colombia's
illegal right-wing paramilitary death squads were formed in the
1980s by either the Colombian military or drug traffickers or both.
AUC commander Carlos Castaño was an associate of Medellín
Cartel leader Pablo Escobar in 1981 when the Colombian army trained
him for paramilitary duty in Puerto Berrío in the department
of Antioquia.
Human Rights Watch has repeatedly linked U.S.-trained Colombian
army officers to paramilitary groups and the massacres they have
perpetrated. Many of these troops received training at the U.S.
army's School of the Americas, originally located in the Panama
Canal Zone, but moved to Fort Benning, Georgia, in 1984. According
to Human Rights Watch, Colombian officers "were students at
the school at the time its curriculum included training manuals
recommending that soldiers use bribery, blackmail, threats, and
torture against insurgents."
The School of the Americas evolved during the Cold War as a means
of combating Latin American revolutionaries, especially those influenced
by the Cuban Revolution. In order to combat these leftist insurgencies,
the U.S. army trained (and continues to train) Latin American soldiers
in counterinsurgency techniques. In other words, it teaches soldiers
how to fight against internal, not external enemies.
Some of Latin America's most notorious dictators are SOA graduates,
including Manuel Noriega of Panama, Leopoldo Galtieri and Roberto
Viola of Argentina, and Hugo Banzer Suarez of Bolivia. The SOA was
also instrumental in training the brutal Guatemalan military that
was condemned by the United Nations for committing genocide against
Guatemala's indigenous population during a forty-year civil war
that killed more than 200,000 Mayan Indians. At the same time, during
the civil war in neighboring El Salvador, former SOA students were
involved in countless human rights abuses including the assassination
of Archbishop Oscar Romero and the massacre of some 900 civilians
in El Mozote.
School of the Americas Watch was established in response to U.S.
taxpayer dollars being used to fund a Salvadoran army that was massacring
thousands of innocent civilians during the 1980s. It claims that
U.S. aid and training supports Latin American militaries that slaughter
anyone they claim to be subversives, a classification that often
includes unionists, human rights workers, religious leaders, civic
groups, and thousands of impoverished peasants who just happen to
live in conflict areas.
In
response to SOAW's lobbying of Congress for the passage of a bill
calling for the closure of the School of the Americas, the Pentagon
renamed the school last year. It's new label, the Western Hemisphere
Institute for Security Cooperation, is nothing more than a cynical
attempt to improve the school's dismal public image. Meanwhile,
the institution's mission remains the same: to train Latin American
soldiers, not to defend their country against foreign aggressors,
but to wage domestic warfare against "suspected" subversives.
Not surprisingly, Colombian officers and soldiers are currently
among the School's leading recipients of training. According to
SOAW, two million Colombians have been killed or displaced by SOA
graduates who used violence that targeted the civilian population.
The number of Colombian SOA graduates who have been linked to human
rights abuses by human rights organizations, the Colombian government
and the U.S. State Department is staggering.
Below is a list of some of the most notorious army officers among
the more than 150 Colombian SOA graduates who have been linked to
human rights abuses and paramilitary death squads during the 1980s
and 1990s:
- General Farouk Yanine Diaz, involved in 1988 massacre of 20
banana workers in Uraba and the expansion of paramilitary death
squads.
- Colonel Jesus Maria Clavijo, currently under investigation
for collusion with paramilitary forces in 160 social cleansing
murders from 1995-1998.
- General Jaime Ernesto Canal Alban, established and supplied
weapons and intelligence to a paramilitary group known as the
Calima Front, which is responsible for more than 2,000 forced
disappearances and at least 40 executions since 1999.
- General Carlos Ospina Ovalle, accused of maintaining extensive
ties to paramilitary groups and whose troops massacred at least
11 people and burned down 47 homes in El Aro in 1998.
- Lieutenant Pedro Nei Acosta Gaivis, ordered the 1990 massacre
of 11 peasants, then had his men dress the corpses to look like
rebels and dismissed the killings as an armed confrontation between
the army and guerrillas.
- Major Carlos Enrique Martínez Orozco, implicated in
the 1988 massacre of 18 miners in Antioquia. Martínez Orozco
was subsequently promoted.
- Major Luis Fernando Madrid Barón, implicated in the
activities of a paramilitary group that killed 149 people from
1987 to 1990. Also accused of being the intellectual author of
many of the assassinations.
- General Mario Montoya Uribe, has a history of ties to paramilitary
violence and is believed to be the military official responsible
for Plan Colombia.
- Lieutenant Carlos Acosta, accused of executing a group of federal
prosecutors and dumping their bodies in a river. According to
his brother, "He used to say that a soldier in Colombia has
to fight not only guerrillas, but also the human rights groups
and prosecutors."
On the morning of April 22, four days of protest will culminate
with a march from the Washington Monument to the U.S. Capitol where
thousands of protesters will call on Congress to end U.S. military
aid to Colombia, stop the aerial spraying of illicit crops, and
close the School of the Americas.
The United States has a long history of supporting state-sponsored
terrorism in Latin America, which the Bush White House intends to
continue. For those of us unwilling to tolerate the use of our taxpayer
dollars to support state-sponsored terrorism in Colombia, the time
has come to issue our own ultimatum to lawmakers in Washington:
Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists.
For more information about the protest, visit Colombia
Mobilization
For more information about SOAW, visit School
of the Americas Watch
This article originally appeared
in Colombia Report, an online journal
that was published by the Information Network of the Americas (INOTA).
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