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May 15, 2002
Turning a Blind Eye
by Garry Leech
Not only have innocent civilians again been caught in the middle
of Colombia's violent conflict with the tragic bombing of a church
in Bojaya, they have also been used as political pawns in a cynical
public relations ploy by the governments of Colombia and the United
States. Following the killing of 119 people in Bojaya on May 2,
President Andrés Pastrana called for the United Nations to
investigate the massacre. The U.S. ambassador to Colombia, Anne
Patterson, quickly backed Pastrana's call for an international investigation.
But instead of demanding a senseless investigation into a crime
in which the perpetrators had already admitted their guilt, Pastrana
and U.S. officials should have instead been concerned with the collusion
between the Colombian army and right-wing paramilitary forces that
led to the fighting in Bojaya.
Citing
the UN's willingness to send a team to investigate the Israeli army's
alleged massacre of Palestinians in the Jenin refugee camp in the
West Bank, Pastrana called for a similar team to investigate the
tragedy in Bojaya. But unlike the situation in Jenin where the Israeli
army denied Palestinian claims that hundreds of civilians had been
massacred, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) immediately
admitted launching the homemade rocket that killed more than a hundred
innocent civilians. The rebels said it was an accident, claiming
that they had been aiming at paramilitary fighters near the church
in which the victims had sought refuge.
During the past year, a lot of media and government attention has
repeatedly, and rightfully, focused on the FARC's reckless use of
rockets made from cooking gas canisters. It is a practice the rebels
have repeatedly used to attack rural towns, usually attempting to
target police stations. However, these projectiles routinely miss
their targets and kill scores of innocent civilians. Rebel claims
that they are not purposefully targeting the civilian population
are unacceptable in light of the frequency with which civilians
are killed by these weapons.
Employing a tactic that knowingly results in civilian deaths time
and time again has turned many Colombians against the rebels. Although,
in reality, there is little difference between FARC rockets missing
their targets and errant U.S. smart bombs that have killed scores
of innocent Afghanis and Iraqis in recent years. But according to
political propagandists in Washington, it is terrorism when the
FARC are responsible and merely a "regrettable mistake"
or "collateral damage" when misguided attacks by the U.S.
military result in civilian deaths.
Pastrana not only called the FARC attack in Bojaya terrorism, he
ludicrously labeled it as "genocide." The Colombian leader
called for a United Nations investigation fully expecting that the
fact-finding mission led by the UN human rights envoy to Colombia,
Anders Kompass, would issue a straightforward condemnation of the
FARC. But Pastrana's public relations ploy was foiled when Kompass
returned from Bojaya and criticized the ongoing collaboration between
the Colombian armed forces and the paramilitaries.
The UN envoy reported that paramilitaries were still present in
Bojaya after the Colombian military declared it had secured control
of the area. Kompass stated that the presence of the paramilitaries,
"along with the presence of the security forces, has created
confusion among the civilian population." President Pastrana
reacted angrily to the UN report, insisting that government security
forces do not collaborate with the paramilitaries. He said that
anyone with information suggesting otherwise should come forward,
which is exactly what the UN investigation--called for by Pastrana
himself--had done.
While it was clear that the FARC were primarily responsible for
the deaths of 119 innocent civilians in Bojaya, prior to the UN
fact-finding mission there had been little attention paid to the
role of the Colombian army and the paramilitaries in this tragedy.
In March 2000, the government abandoned the people of Bojaya by
withdrawing all security forces stationed in the area after the
FARC attacked the local police outpost. At the same time, the rebels
defeated local paramilitaries and consolidated control over this
remote jungle region in Chocó. But in the weeks leading up
to the Bojaya tragedy, it had become evident to locals and human
rights workers in the area that the paramilitaries, with the aid
of the Colombian military, were moving back into the region.
The mayor of Bojaya and local human rights workers, knowing that
the arrival of the paramilitaries would inevitably result in civilians
being caught in a crossfire between the illegal armed groups, repeatedly
requested military protection from Bogotá. In their coverage
of the church bombing, many in the media mistakenly pointed out
that these pleas were ignored, when in reality, far from turning
a blind eye to the residents of this impoverished region, the Colombian
military were actively involved in the events that were unfolding
in Bojaya.
In mid-April, 450 heavily armed paramilitary fighters from the
United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) traveled down the Atrato
River in eleven boats (according to the UN report, 250 AUC fighters
in seven boats). Somehow this large conspicuous force passed unheeded
through several military checkpoints along the river.
In
massacre after massacre perpetrated by the paramilitaries, the Colombian
military has aided right-wing death squads by providing intelligence,
transportation, weapons, or simply allowing them to pass through
military checkpoints unhindered in order to enter and escape targeted
villages. Clearly, this was the scenario unfolding along the Atrato
River in April as the military made no effort to prevent the paramilitaries
from entering the region knowing full well they would confront the
rebels and that, as is usually the case in Colombia's conflict,
innocent civilians would be killed.
It is this collusion between Colombia's armed forces and right-wing
paramilitaries responsible for more than 70 percent of the nation's
human rights abuses that should concern Washington and Bogotá.
But the Bush administration has decided to turn a blind eye to this
brutal military-paramilitary alliance as it tries to convince the
U.S. Congress to remove all conditions restricting current and future
military aid to counternarcotics operations. The Bush White House
is seeking to expand U.S. military involvement in Colombia by supporting
the counterinsurgency campaign being waged by the Colombian military
and its AUC allies who, unlike the FARC, are on both the U.S. State
Department's and European Union's lists of terrorist organizations.
Instead of calling for the United Nations to investigate a tragedy
in which the facts were evident to everyone, including the perpetrators,
Pastrana and U.S. Ambassador Anne Patterson should have been demanding
an international investigation into Colombia's military-paramilitary
partnership and how U.S. military aid is linked to this murderous
alliance. It is the Colombian military's ongoing collaboration with
paramilitary death squads that lies at the root of the huge majority
of Colombia's human rights abuses, especially civilian massacres.
Where were the calls by Pastrana and Patterson for an international
investigation into recent massacres in Chengue, Buga and El Salado
that were committed by paramilitaries aided by the Colombian military?
As for the FARC, it is time they heeded calls to stop using homemade
rockets that repeatedly kill innocent civilians in rural towns.
The inaccuracy of these weapons make them indiscriminate killers
whose victims are often the very same people the rebels claim to
be fighting for. And while it was the FARC's reckless use of a homemade
rocket that directly caused the deaths of more than a hundred innocent
civilians in Bojaya, the collusion between the Colombian army and
paramilitaries was a significant contributing factor.
This article originally appeared
in Colombia Report, an online journal
that was published by the Information Network of the Americas (INOTA).
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