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October 28, 2004
U.S. Support for War of Terror in Arauca
by Dan Kovalik
During the current election campaign, there is much discussion
of the U.S. “war on terror.” While this discussion focuses
almost entirely upon the Middle East, Iraq and Al-Qaeda, there is
almost no mention of Washington’s current war in Colombia,
a war in which the United States is actually supporting military
forces that are terrorizing the population. Indeed, the U.S. Congress,
over the objection of numerous human rights organizations, recently
deepened the U.S. role in Colombia by voting to double the U.S.
troop level there from 400 to 800. This troop involvement is in
addition to the more than $3.5 billion the United States has already
spent on the Colombian military since 2000, making Colombia the
third-largest recipient of U.S. military aid in the world.
I
just returned from Saravena, Colombia, a small town located in the
important oil region of the Arauca Department and a town in which
a large proportion of the U.S. troops in Colombia are based. The
U.S. troops live in the confines of a base that houses a unit of
the Colombian Army’s 18th Brigade. The U.S. soldiers train
this Brigade in what they term “anti-terror” techniques
and in how to protect the oil pipeline of Occidental Petroleum,
a U.S. company operating in Arauca. Indeed, the United States just
recently appropriated $99 million to equip the 18th Brigade for
the express purpose of protecting this pipeline.
Yet, this same 18th Brigade is notorious for gross violations of
human rights against the civilian population. One of the most recent
and blatant acts of misconduct of the 18th Brigade was the assassination
of three union leaders on August 5, 2004, and the arrest of two
other trade unionists on the same date. While the Colombian military
claimed that the three unionists were killed in a gunfight with
the Army, the Colombian Attorney General has concluded that this
was not the case and that the unionists were unarmed and killed
in cold blood.
While in Saravena, I met with Colonel Medina, the head of the 18th
Brigade’s unit based in the town, to express my concern for
the lives of community leaders in his zone. The Colonel expressed
his view to me that the unionists and social leaders in the region
are guerrillas—a typical claim of the Colombian military that
has been discredited by respected groups reporting on human rights
in Colombia, including Amnesty International, and the U.S. State
Department itself.
As Amnesty International recently explained, the military engages
in the “practice of launching often spurious criminal investigations
against human rights defenders and other civilians. These tactics
are designed to tarnish defenders and social activists by accusing
them of guerrilla activity, exposing them to heightened risk of
violent attack by paramilitaries, regardless of whether or not investigations
uncover evidence of criminal wrong-doing.” A notorious example
of such tactics, as elaborated in this same report, is the Army’s
rounding up and detention of 2,000 civilians, including “[m]ost
of Saravena’s human rights community, as well as many known
trade unionists and other social leaders,” by the 18th Brigade
during a traditional fiesta in 2002.
What is happening in Saravena is not an anomaly. The U.S. State
Department itself has concluded that human rights in Colombia remain
poor, that social activists, such as trade unionists, are being
killed at an alarming rate, and that they are being killed mostly
by paramilitary groups that are receiving the active support and
collaboration of the very military which the United States is funding
at record levels. Looking at the situation of trade unionists in
particular, 94 trade unionists were assassinated in Colombia last
year out of a total of 123 killed worldwide. In other words, as
has been typical for the last several years, Colombia has accounted
for approximately 75 percent of the trade union killings in the
world.
When I went to
the base of the 18th Brigade to speak with the Colonel, the member
of the local government who accompanied me warned, “You are
now entering the mouth of the wolf.” The view that the Colombian
Army is the wolf guarding the hen house was a common one among the
people I met in Saravena. The leader of the local trade union confederation,
human rights lawyers, a director of the community-run water treatment
plant, and the vice-president of the U’Wa indigenous tribe
all expressed the sentiment that the soldiers, who outnumber the
civilians on the streets of Saravena, are not there to protect the
civilian population, but rather, are there to protect the oil companies.
And indeed, there is good evidence of this. For example, the military
attempted to violently expel the U’Wa from their land to secure
it for Occidental exploration. The military also acted in concert
with Occidental in bombing the small hamlet of Santo Domingo, killing
17 civilians in the process.
Indeed, as Amnesty International has reported, the violent conflict
in Arauca is motivated and fueled by oil interests and the attempt
of the Colombian military, with the support of the United States,
to protect these interests. The result is one of the worst human
rights situations in the world. People of conscience must ask themselves
if they really want our country to be supporting a military in Colombia
that is terrorizing the population in order to protect oil interests.
Sadly, this has not even entered into the debate this election year.
Dan Kovalik is assistant general counsel for
the United Steel Workers of America (USWA).
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