|
March 18, 2001
The Embattled Streets of Barranca
by Garry Leech
In the poor neighborhoods of Barrancabermeja, urban guerrillas belonging
to the National Liberation Army (ELN) and the Revolutionary Armed
Forces of Colombia (FARC) have been desperately trying to stave-off
an urban offensive by right-wing paramilitaries. Most of these neighborhoods
have been firmly under the control of the ELN, with a few in the
hands of the FARC, since the 1960s. But in recent months, the United
Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) have successfully gained control
of many guerrilla-controlled neighborhoods in Barranca.
The leader of the AUC, Carlos Castaño, a former Medellín
cartel henchman, announced last year that he wanted this oil-rich
port city of 300,000
cleansed of guerrillas. So far, the paramilitaries have succeeded
in seizing control of more than half of the city's poor neighborhoods.
As a result of the AUC's urban offensive, the already high level
of violence in Barranca has increased dramatically.
Over the past decade Barranca has averaged 330 murders a year, but
according to Régulo Madero Fernández, local president
of the Regional Corporation for the Defense of Human Rights (CREDHOS),
the city's current death rate is far worse, "In the past year
there were 567 selective homicides for political reasons. So far
this year, in the first 49 days, there have been 105 selective homicides."
The paramilitaries have been responsible for many of the killings
as they infiltrate guerrilla neighborhoods and assassinate anyone
they believe to be a rebel sympathizer. Furthermore, they have not
implemented this dirty war alone. The few police present in the
paramilitary-controlled neighborhoods of Simon Bolivar and Miraflores
make no attempt to confront members of the AUC who openly patrol
the streets with cellular phones, walkie-talkies and 9mm pistols
tucked conspicuously into their waistbands.
According to Mateo, a young FARC guerrilla in Barrio Boston, "The
reason the situation is so difficult in Barranca is because the
paramilitaries receive a lot of support from the public forces.
When there is a problem in Simon Bolivar or Miraflores, the police
do nothing. But if there is a problem in a guerrilla neighborhood,
they launch an operation."
The territorial gains made by the paramilitaries have forced the
FARC and the ELN to cooperate. The two have historically been at
odds and have occasionally been known to confront each other, but
Mateo explains that, "because the situation here is so difficult,
we have to work together." Although there are now only about
eight neighborhoods not controlled by the AUC, the guerrillas are
not yet ready to admit defeat. In fact
the level of violence in Barranca is likely to further escalate
because, according to Mateo, "We are bringing in more people
to retaliate against the paramilitaries. I can't tell you the number."
Madero of CREDHOS echoes Mateo's claims of collaboration between
government forces and the paramilitaries, "The complicity between
the institution of the government, the public forces and the paramilitaries
is a fact. These things generate an anarchic situation and the first
victims are human rights and the dignity of the people."
One of the human rights dilemmas in Barranca is that of the 30,000
displaced people who came to the city to escape the violence in
the surrounding countryside. The entire village of La Cienaga de
Otun is now living in a building in Barranca's city centre known
as Casa Campesinos. Some 130 villagers live in cramped and unfamiliar
urban surroundings unsure about what the future holds for them.
When asked why he came to Barranca with his wife and four children,
Luis said, "The paramilitaries killed two friends and so we
had to come here to escape." He claimed that since their arrival
in Barranca, they have received little help from the government
and it is only because of International Red Cross packages that
they have food. But Barranca no longer guarantees the displaced
a safe refuge from the violence as many of them are now being targeted
by armed groups in Barranca. Consequently, according to Madero of
CREDHOS, "Now people are being displaced from Barranca to other
places."
Colombian President Andrés Pastrana recently visited Barranca
to address the issue of road blockades by local campesinos that
effectively cut the country in half. Pastrana accused the AUC of
organizing the blockades that were protesting against the government's
plan to implement an ELN-controlled demilitarized zone in Sur de
Bolívar in which to hold peace talks with the guerrilla group.
At the blockade in Lizama,
22 miles from Barranca, it was evident that the 3,000 campesinos
were very well organized and financed. Food supplies were in abundance
and large water trucks were arriving daily to refill the protesters'
water containers.
Pastrana's accusations of paramilitary involvement in the blockades
were also buttressed by the presence of a local AUC leader named
Javier at a small roadblock on the outskirts of Barranca. According
to Javier, who claimed to be from the neighborhood known as Comuna
7, "We are worried about defending the people because human
rights have not existed here." Ironically, many community leaders
and human rights activists in Comuna 7 have been targeted by the
AUC.
Three days into the protest President Pastrana ordered the army
to clear the blockades and to reopen the highways. When asked about
the possible consequences of this decision, the commander of Barranca's
Nueva Granada Battalion and School of the Americas graduate, Lt.
Col. Hernán Moreno, said, "It is the National Police
who deal with public order problems, not the army. The moment we
go in to save the police we will have to shoot the protesters and
it's not constitutional to shoot the people."
The next afternoon the protesters peacefully terminated the blockade
after the government agreed to discuss the implementation of the
demilitarized zone with local community leaders. But in Barranca
the paramilitary offensive to control the city continues with government
forces doing little to halt the fighting. When asked what she wanted
for the future, a 16 year-old displaced girl in Casa Campesinos
simply stated, "Peace, love and calm." A simple wish that
seems light-years away for the residents of Barranca.
This article originally appeared
in Colombia Report, an online journal
that was published by the Information Network of the Americas (INOTA).
Back to Top .
Comments
Copyright © 2003 Colombia
Journal. All rights reserved.
|