|
August 27, 2001
DynCorp: Beyond the Rule of Law
by Robert Lawson
Despite the fact that a company contracted by the U.S. government
to carry out its program of fumigating and eradicating coca crops
in Colombia has been caught smuggling heroin out of the country,
no attempts have been made to bring it to justice. For more than
a year the Office of Prosecutions has failed to render a decision
on the case, while the police official responsible for setting the
whole process in motion has since retired from active duty. This
is not the first time a case against DynCorp employees has disappeared
in the labyrinth known as Colombia's judicial system.
On May 12, 2000, according to an official U.S. Drug Enforcement
Administration document obtained by The Nation magazine under
the Freedom of Information Act, Colombian police intercepted a parcel
sent from DynCorp's Colombia offices to its air base in Florida.
Colombian
authorities discovered two small bottles of a thick liquid in a
package which, when tested, was found to be laced with heroin worth
more than $100,000. When authorities discovered the name of the
company responsible for shipping the heroin they turned the results
of the 'narcotest' over to the Immediate Reaction Unit, which then
set into motion prosecution procedure 483064. However, the heroin
bust remained a secret for more than a year until The Nation
began its investigation and now it seems the evidence has simply
disappeared.
Apparently, a similar situation occurred last year when 29-year-old
Michael Demons, a paramedic member of DynCorp's team, suffered a
cardiac arrest and was taken to a hospital in Florencia, in southeastern
Colombia, where he died. Forensic tests conducted at the time revealed
that the cause of death was a cocaine overdose. Mysteriously, when
the Colombian Central Office of Prosecutions took an interest in
the death and requested more information, all related documents,
such as the legal medical reports, vanished.
And two years ago, the records of ten DynCorp employees involved
in the illicit trade of amphetamines also disappeared. "Faced
with evidence of the scandal, DynCorp decided to expel these employees
from the country and so drop the heat on the issue," a government
investigator told Colombia's Semana magazine.
These discoveries might only be the tip of the iceberg as DynCorp's
activities are conducted in absolute secrecy and appear to be beyond
the jurisdiction of any governmental body. A high ranking police
official in Colombia, who has known about DynCorp since their 1993
arrival in Colombia, told Semana magazine, "no authority,
whether the Civil Aviation Authority, police or army, is authorized
to search DynCorp's planes. Nobody knows what they carry on their
return to the United States because they are untouchable."
Some Colombian officials who disagree with DynCorp's involvement
in Colombia believe the pilots of the company are nothing more than
mercenaries who travel around the world offering their services.
According to another high-ranking police official who did not wish
to disclose his name, "They are very difficult people to deal
with. Most of them consume large amounts of drugs. Many inject before
flying. Several officials have had open confrontations with these
pilots because they don't respect the disciplines of military bases.
And our officials don't accept that these people, no matter how
experienced they are in the field of war, consume drugs on military
grounds" (see, U.S. Mercenaries in
Colombia)
According to the Guardian Weekly, the U.S. government's
contract with DynCorp is full of ambiguities, giving the company
even more leeway to avoid oversight by both Colombian and U.S. authorities.
This not only increases the opportunities for DynCorp employees
to personally profit from drug-trafficking, but also enables the
company to conduct counter-insurgency operations for the U.S. government
that go far beyond their official role of assessing and implementing
the fumigation of illicit crops.
The
lack of transparency with regards to DynCorp's role in Colombia
has led Human Rights Watch to accuse the Pentagon of using companies
like DynCorp to violate conditions demanded by the United Stated
Congress when it approved Plan Colombia. The U.S. aid package allows
for a maximum of 500 troops and 300 civilian contractors in Colombia
at any given time. But according to Human Rights Watch, the policy
of subcontracting the war has resulted in some 1,000 professionals
with links to the United States working in Colombia, many of whom
have retired from U.S. Special Forces and are now employed by private
companies like DynCorp (see, Are They Civilians
or Mercenaries?).
Consequently, Washington is sitting pretty. It may secretly approve
of and encourage counter-insurgency operations conducted by DynCorp,
but it doesn't have to take responsibility for them. Clearly, serious
questions need to be answered regarding the role of both the U.S.
government and DynCorp in Plan Colombia and why personnel from DynCorp
are being implicated in drug trafficking.
The fact that nothing has been done to bring DynCorp employees
to justice implies a high level of corruption and complicity with
regards to these crimes. It also raises the question as to why a
poor Colombian drug smuggling mule should be sentenced to many years
in prison while highly paid U.S. mercenaries remain 'untouchable'.
Robert Lawson, English Ecologists in support of
Campesinos of Colombia.
This article originally appeared
in Colombia Report, an online journal
that was published by the Information Network of the Americas (INOTA).
Back to Top .
Comments
Copyright © 2003 Colombia
Journal. All rights reserved.
|