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October 8, 2001
Washington Wages a Selective Drug War
by Garry Leech
Most of the more than $2 billion the United States is currently
spending to fight the drug war in the Andean region is going to
the Colombian military and an aerial fumigation campaign that is
devastating the food crops and livelihoods of impoverished peasants.
Washington's militaristic policies have also resulted in a controversial
shoot-down policy of "suspect" planes in Colombia and
Peru that has killed innocent people. Furthermore, the White House
uses its unilateral drug certification process to coerce Latin American
countries into cooperating with Washington's war on drugs or face
the risk of economic sanctions. However, such tactics are nowhere
to be seen with regards to U.S. drug policy in Europe, where Belgium
and the Netherlands are the leading manufacturers, and Russians
(and Israelis) the principal traffickers, of the club drug Ecstasy
(MDMA), the drug of choice for America's youth.
Following the recent seizure of 85,000 Ecstasy tablets in Colorado
and California, the new head of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency
(DEA), Asa Huthinson, declared that Ecstasy is "the number
one drug problem of our youth in urban areas." Hutchinson's
statement is supported by the fact that more than 3.3 million hits
of Ecstasy were seized by U.S. Customs
officials last year, a dramatic increase over the 400,000 hits seized
in all of 1997.
But unlike cocaine and heroin, Ecstasy is not produced by poor
Third World peasants struggling to survive. According to the U.S.
State Department's Narcotics Control Report for 2000, "The
U.S. DEA estimates that large amounts of Ecstasy tablets seized
in the U.S. in 2000 came from or through the Netherlands."
The report goes on to say that the DEA "will continue to monitor
this problem closely."
And regarding Belgium's role in the drug trade, the report states,
"The increase in the incidence of trafficking in MDMA/Ecstasy,
which began in 1999, continued unabated in 2000." The availability
of the drug became evident last year when mobster Sammy "the
Bull" Gravano admitted to selling 25,000 hits of MDMA a week.
In July, Dr. Donald Vereen Jr., Deputy Director of the Office of
National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP), testified before the U.S.
Senate Government Affairs Committee about the growing use of Ecstasy
among young Americans. "The migration of Ecstasy from the rave
scene into our neighborhoods and schools poses a direct threat to
the health of our children and the safety of our communities,"
said Dr. Vereen.
The deputy director went on to declare, "We take the threat
of Ecstasy seriously, and are making a concerted effort to warn
youth and their parents. Through satellite broadcasts, targeted
websites, new public service announcements and informational briefings
with entertainment writers, directors, and producers, we are educating
youth, parents, and community leaders about the dangers of this
drug."
The ONDCP's strategy of combating Ecstasy through education, while
welcome, stands in sharp contrast to the militaristic policies used
in the war on cocaine and heroin. There are no calls for massive
amounts of military aid to wage war against the European drug traffickers.
And unlike the strategy of shooting down planes and aerially fumigating
illicit crops in South America, there are no calls from Washington
hawks for air strikes on the drug processing labs located on the
outskirts of Brussels and Rotterdam. In fact, the DEA, while admitting
that European trafficking in MDMA "continued unabated in 2000,"
only intends to "monitor this problem closely."
Apparently, Washington only wages its drug war in America's inner
cities and in poor developing countries. European nations are about
as likely to become targets of a U.S. militaristic drug war offensive
as white middle and upper class suburban drug users are of having
their front doors busted open by a heavily armed police narcotics
SWAT team.
The war on drugs has primarily targeted poor people of color whether
they reside in the United States or in the Third World. And despite
repeated studies showing there is little difference in the level
of drug use between blacks and whites in the United States, 74 percent
of those in prison for drug offenses are African-American.
A similar discrepancy exists between developed and developing nations
targeted by the DEA. The trafficking page of the DEA's website contains
sections on Colombia, Mexico, Jamaica, the Dominican Republic and
Nigeria. There is no special section focusing on Belgium or the
Netherlands despite the fact that, according to the ONDCP, "MDMA
is produced in clandestine laboratories the majority of which are
located in Europe." Even the DEA itself admits that, "Clandestine
laboratories operating throughout Western Europe, primarily in the
Netherlands and Belgium, manufacture significant quantities of the
drug in tablet, capsule, or powder form."
Of the 18 major drug operations conducted by the DEA over the past
decade, all of them targeted U.S. cities or traffickers in Third
World countries such as Colombia, Mexico, Pakistan, Nigeria, Thailand
and Burma. Not one of these operations targeted drug traffickers
in Europe despite the rapid growth in MDMA use in the United States
during the same time period.
It is evident that Washington's drug policies are both hypocritical
and illogical. The United States is intent on escalating its drug
war in Colombia despite the fact that cocaine use has been declining
for much of the past decade--primarily because aging baby boomers
are abstaining. In the meantime, Ecstasy has become the new drug
of choice for America's youth.
According to one study, 11 percent of high school students surveyed
in 2000 reported they had used MDMA. This figure is more than double
the number that had tried cocaine. And in New York City, one in
four adolescents surveyed said they had used Ecstasy. If Washington's
drug warriors were truly concerned with the welfare of America's
children then Ecstasy, not cocaine, would be the principal target
of the drug war.
Ecstasy
and other club drugs are primarily manufactured and consumed in
developed countries, and yet Washington's drug war focus continues
to be Colombia and other Third World nations. Obviously, Washington
has an ulterior motive for waging its seemingly futile drug war
in the developing world and not in Europe, and that motive has more
to do with economics than the welfare of America's youth.
Waging its drug war in the Third World provides the United States
with a post-Cold War excuse for maintaining the domestic defense
contractor industry, while justifying Washington's intervention
in the internal affairs of developing nations--sometimes militarily,
as was the case in the 1989 Panama invasion and in the Andean region
today. Furthermore, Washington uses its drug war policies to impose
its political will on governments that cannot afford the economic
sanctions that result from de-certification.
As long as the drug war continues to serve foreign and domestic
policy goals in the post-Cold War world, Washington will continually
refuse to see drug use for what it really is: a health problem.
The drug war, along with the neoliberal economic policies mandated
by the IMF and free trade agreements, helps provide U.S. corporations
with greater access to the natural resources and cheap labor of
developing countries. Washington is well aware that the same bullying
tactics will not work in western Europe.
This article originally appeared
in Colombia Report, an online journal
that was published by the Information Network of the Americas (INOTA).
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