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October 22, 2001 Bolivia's Zero Coca Program Leaving Hunger in its Wake In December 2000, Bolivia's President Hugo Banzer Suarez visited Chimoré in the tropical zone of Cochabamba and declared victory for his zero coca program known as Plan Dignity. But for Epifanio Cruz Centellas, mayor of Chimoré for the past six years, the coca eradication program that began in 1997 is anything but a success. Instead, he claims that Plan Dignity, which is being used as the blueprint for coca eradication and alternative development programs getting under way in Colombia and other nations targeted by the Bush Administration's Andean Initiative, has serious flaws. Cruz says these problems are pushing some 35,000 former coca-growing families in the Chapare region toward economic ruin, hunger and, inevitably, back to coca cultivation.
In recent months thousands of coca growers have been conducting vigils at military bases in Chapare. They are demanding the removal of the bases and the right to grow a cato of coca (130 square feet) in order to support their families until a remunerative alternative actually develops. They have turned down a government counter offer of $900 for one year to grow an alternative crop, claiming it will not guarantee earnings in future years. Following the farmers' rejection of the offer, the government mobilized 20,000 troops and vowed it would not let the coca growers close major roads again this year. The U.S. Ambassador to Bolivia, Manuel Rocha, has publicly warned the Bolivian government not to accept the cato of coca proposal or it will face a reduction in U.S. assistance. "The aid is based on a commitment. If this commitment is not kept the aid will decrease," Rocha told the press. The Bolivian military is viewing the peasant vigils as a threat to the lives of military personnel and have reported attacks by snipers and with homemade explosives. In September the new government of President Jorge Quiroga marked its first campesino death when Ramon Perez, 42, was shot dead by soldiers at Lomo Alto while he was leading a group of Bolivian journalists to the entrance of the local military base. Still another death occurred on October 16 when soldiers breaking up a protest near Entre Rios killed Nilda Escobar, 38, with a tear gas canister. Since 1997, 59 campesinos and seven soldiers have been killed. The Chapare region is under military occupation with more than 2,000 troops stationed at nine camps. Meanwhile, there are plans to build three larger permanent bases. Since the passage of drug trafficking law 1008 in 1987, some 40,000 persons have been arrested. Many have languished in prison for years without proper judicial process, sometimes for possession of as little as five liters of kerosene that authorities assume is being used to process cocaine. The following is an interview with Epifanio Cruz Centellas, the mayor of Chimoré, who discusses the current situation in the Chapare: Q. What do you see as the reason for the mobilization of coca growers in the Chapare region this year? A. This problem has become an issue once again because the central government has not complied with the agreement that it has with the six coca grower federations in the tropical zone of Cochabamba. This agreement was signed last year and was designed to resolve and provide a solution to the problem of the coca plantings. But there hasn't been the necessary commitment by the central government. They have not listened to the position of the coca leaders in the tropical area and that's why things have ended like this. The coca leaf growers in the tropical zone of Cochabamba have been greatly affected because the coca leaf has been almost completely eradicated without providing any alternative, despite what is provided for in the coca leaf eradication law. The coca leaf is supposed to be eradicated, but there is also supposed to be an alternative. Nevertheless this has not happened. As a result, the coca growers have taken action again. What they are demanding is that they be allowed to plant a cato of coca. We don't know if the government will accept this, but this is the central demand. The coca leaf growers are taking actions and conducting vigils around the military bases, and along the roads. They're demanding the military remove the bases that are in various communities. If the government does not understand this, then I think this could lead to a stronger conflict similar to what we had last year in October with the blocking of roads. The central government has to mediate this carefully so that this doesn't cause a greater conflict. Q. Why hasn't the Bolivian government complied with the agreement? A. I think the government thought that the only way out was to sign the agreement. Last year all the different economic sectors had risen up and they had to stop the conflict that was occurring. It's not just the agreements they have with the coca growers but with other sectors. To comply completely became too difficult. Q. Recently there was the death of a coca grower and there have been a number of wounded. Would you say there is a human rights problem here in the tropical area of Cochabamba? A. This is very unfortunate. The police, UMOPAR (Rural Police), all of the forces, their actions are very worrisome. They mistreat the people. We aren't humans as far as they are concerned. They treat us very badly. For example, when a policeman enters a house it is supposedly a private house. To enter it you are supposed to ask permission from someone. But the police don't do this. They enter directly under the guise of the drug war, and take things that are valuable. They take money, and they beat people. It's a human rights abuse. The people complain to the human rights office. But I think the central government and the military commanders here have to instruct the soldiers to treat people like humans, not like animals. The other day they killed a companero. I don't know if there will be a criminal process or not. Whenever we carry out a mobilization we are processed. The leaders are prosecuted. But the people who killed a human being, a person? We don't know if they will be prosecuted. If they are not it will be a violation of the law. Unfortunately people are violating human rights, they're beating, and they're taking things. Unfortunately the people are not treated as humans. Q. You're having an export fair in Chimoré right now. What's your opinion of the current programs for alternative development? A. Alternative development isn't working as people want. The whole program was created without the participation of the people. The people back in some office have made an investment without consulting anyone. The coca leaf growers are not in agreement with alternative development because they have not participated in the planning. For this reason alternative development has failed. It has a lot of problems. The tropical region of Cochabamba has a lot of potential. We can grow a lot of crops like pineapples, bananas, oranges, or other agricultural products. The problem is the markets. We don't have a departmental market. We don't have an international market. At any time, for example, the pineapple market could collapse in Cochabamba, Santa Cruz, La Paz. Why should the farmers grow the crops? The government hasn't concerned itself enough with the need to guarantee a return from the products that we have in the tropical area of Cochabamba. Many fellow farmers are planting citrus. But if we're not going to have an industry for these products [processing plants] then we're going to have very low prices. But if we have an industry that consumes all these products, maybe we would have an interest in growing these crops. Q. Then I take it the money that is arriving from the United States and Europe for development hasn't produced results? A. It's been a very big failure. There are a few things in a few areas. There's a banana businessman, for example. This is on the highway. But when you leave the highway, say 14 miles, you're lost. If you want to grow pineapples higher up, there are no roads. The campesino has ended up in the street because of the eradication of coca. And the government has to assume responsibility for the problem the campesino is facing in his community. The government simply orders that the coca be eradicated. But in the end, what? Q. Is unemployment increasing in Chimoré? What is the situation faced by the families here? A. The situation has worsened. There have been more crises. Given the situation, people are contemplating planting coca again. Three pineapples sell for one Boliviano. Imagine that. You have to declare bankruptcy because you don't make any profit. Q. How much would a campesino earn growing a cato of coca? A. I think it would produce more or less 600 Bolivianos (U.S.$89) a month, which is essentially a minimum wage. This is at least enough to survive. There aren't any other sources of income. These other crops take two years to develop and there has to be something in the meantime. Probably, people will return to planting coca. Ronald J. Morgan is a freelance writer who focuses on Latin America. This article originally appeared in Colombia Report, an online journal that was published by the Information Network of the Americas (INOTA).
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While
the government has eradicated most of the coca plantings--from 97,250
acres in 1997 to just 15,000 acres--it has not come through with
the promised alternative development. The $80 million U.S. and $23
million European Union alternative development programs have produced
meager results. Lack of adequate planning and development of markets
are being blamed, as are the government's efforts to undermine local
coca growing federations by requiring that farmers drop their membership
and join alternative crop producer unions in order to become eligible
for the programs.